The limited access to education and rehabilitation, combined with their poor emotional wellbeing, economic marginalization and violence-ridden environments, can detrimentally impact the entire generation. This paper includes a framework that defines children’s right to education, the key efforts implemented to improve the educational wellbeing of Syrian refugee children in Lebanon as well as the challenges that hamper this feat.
The Right to Education
The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC; United Nations, 1989) is a legally-binding instrument ratified by all countries except the USA. The CRC stipulates that children possess a right to free, safe primary education that upholds the principles of mutual respect and sustainable living (Article 22). Additionally, vulnerable children, such as victims of violence or forced displacement, are entitled to special protection (Article 22) and interventions to recover in an «environment which fosters the health, self-respect and dignity of the child» (Article 39). Tomaševski (2001) argues that children have a right to an education that is accessible, available, acceptable and adaptable. The International Network for Education in Emergencies identify detailed educational practices, like problem solving and coping skills, to allow children to «make informed decisions about how to survive and care for themselves and others in dangerous environments» (INEE, 2010, p. 2).
Responses: Systems and approaches
National education systems in host countries often aim to provide displaced children with their right to education by establishing systems of governance and fostering intercultural relationships between refugees and host communities (Dryden-Peterson et al., 2019). Significant efforts in Lebanon have been made to support academic achievement and psychosocial development of Syrian refugee children. The Ministry of Education and Higher Education in Lebanon (MEHE; 2016) with support from international donors and UN agencies developed the Reaching All Children with Education strategy framework (RACE I 2014-16) followed by RACE II (2017-21). The RACE strategy documents target all children in Lebanon from the ages of 3 to 18. RACE II identifies three fundamental pillars in creating sustainable quality education: improved access to education, improved quality of learning and teaching and strengthened governance systems.
Under RACE, the MEHE opened afternoon shifts in its public schools, which have increased the capacity of formal and non-formal schooling. The number of second shift schools surged from 88 in 2013 to 346 in 2018 (UNHCR, 2019). MEHE has also invested in workshops for teachers, school rehabilitation initiatives, transportation services and classroom supplies. To a national education system exhausted by limited resources, civil society and international organizations have provided some relief through non-formal education (NFE) for Syrian refugees. NFE programs vary; some provide learning support before the second shift in public schools starts, vocational training or expressive arts to address traumas and promote emotional well-being (Akar & Van Ommering, 2018; Karam, Monaghan, & Yoder, 2016).
Cultural barriers
Various roots limit Syrian refugee children’s access to a quality education in Lebanon, such as the climate of survival, marginalization and domestic violence. Refugee children are often victims of domestic violence and bullying at school. A social ecology of structural and direct violence exacerbates stress in children; sustained chronic stress levels hinder neurological functions for critical thinking and language learning (Lupien, McEwen, Gunnar, & Heim, 2009; National Scientific Council on the Developing Child, 2014 [2005]). In an attempt to address this, the MEHE and UNICEF extended the «Child Protection Policy in Schools» in 2018 to provide safety measures at home.
Another root stems from the limited resources and systems of governance already prevalent in the national education system that compound the issues in adapting education for vulnerable children. Staring with pre-school, approaches to early childhood education in Lebanon are mostly grounded in staged theories of development (e.g. Piaget), which, according to Walsh (2005) is irrelevant to understanding human growth for early years. Pre-school education in Lebanon largely mimics the first grade through its [over]emphasis on learning literacy and numeracy. Interviews with kindergarten teachers and observations in their classrooms suggest that the core aim of reading and writing encourages pedagogies that can undermine children’s trust in self-constructed knowledge (Abu El-Haj, Kaloustian, Bonet, & Chatila, 2018) and neglect the foundations of brain architecture necessary for building healthy relationships, emotion management, executive functions and regulating stress (Akar, Amr, & Chen, 2017).
Qualified teachers are also scarce as only 23.5% of public school teachers possess a degree recognized as a teaching qualification (CERD, 2019). Moreover, the surge in short-term contractual hiring of teachers in public schools led to a «significant over-supply of under-qualified teaching staff in public schools» (MEHE, 2016, p. 8). Activities under RACE II have attempted to address this by providing professional development workshops.
Other challenges are derived from the rampant corruption in Lebanon which impacts the budgets allocated to the educational sector. Sectarian tensions have also influenced the treatment of refugees, even in organizational settings (El-Ghali, Alameddine, Farah, & Benchiba, 2019).
Conclusions and new directions
Nevertheless, Lebanon’s pursuit to ameliorate its public education sector has attained various milestones. Future endeavors should consider how to further integrate Syrian refugee children into the Lebanese society to mitigate social tensions and improve their sense of self-efficacy. The MEHE could further strategize with the Ministry of Interior and Municipalities and the Ministry of Social Affairs to enhance capacities of government agencies when responding to the education crisis (El-Ghali, Ghalayini, & Ismail, 2016). These directions can support existing measures for the overall wellbeing of Syrian refugee children and vulnerable host community children. Consequently, this should generate hopes and aspirations for the future, safeguard their human potential and help prevent a lost generation for the region.
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