However, the October 17 Uprising contributed in one way or another to changing course, as it added union momentum whose results are reflected in most of union elections that took place after the 2019 uprising, in which the supporters of the uprising won against the parties in power (Melhem Khalaf was elected president of the Beirut Bar Association in 2019, in addition to a landslide victory achieved in the Order of Engineers and Architects in 2021). However, the 2022 elections of the Lebanese Order of Physicians which were held after the parliamentary elections, brought a disappointment for the change lists, as the parties in power won a landslide victory.
However, the victory of union members in the parliamentary elections raised many questions about the course and role of unions in the redistribution of power after the October 17 Uprising. We wonder if we are facing a new reality whereby unions are changing political life. Have the independent professional unions regained their true role in political life and have a say on fundamental issues in the country and in policy-making?
One of the major pillars of political life in developed and democratic countries is political parties with different social and political programs that impose and believe in rotation of power pursuant to the principle of democracy. Their laws promote the establishment of unions that participate in political life and have a decisive effect on shaping public opinion towards specific issues, in addition to their role in defending the interests of their members. As for societies in which developed democratic political systems are still lacking, unions are expected to play a key role in exercising influence and pushing for change and development in political life, as is the case in Lebanon.
At first, and to reflect an opinion based on practical experience in the context of our problem, we interviewed Aref Yassin, the President of the Order of Engineers and Architects, since this union fought the mother of all battles after October 17, 2019. For him, “In light of the current crisis, the role of unions is essential in changing the balance of power in order to impose change in the political situation, as they represent the active and productive segments in the various economic sectors in the country, from labor unions and educational institutions to independent professional unions.”
According to Yassin, change in these unions “began in concrete terms since the outbreak of the Lebanese people’s uprising on October 17 and has positively and tremendously affected people’s choices; it has signalled a possibility for change at the level of unions and political life, because after a single political approach was adopted for many years, many believed that changing the political situation in the foreseeable future was impossible.”
Yassin gives evidence for his explanation by stating that “some of the major independent professional unions include cadres from outside the traditional framework and from outside of the agreement between the parties in power. For the first time, the Order of Engineers and Architects made a radical change in the 2021 elections and prevented the consolidation of religious and sectarian norms in the Order’s structure and bodies.” In his view, "this is what gave a positive impetus to the forces of change and opposition affiliated with the independent professional unions and activists in public affairs, to run for elections and assuming decision-making positions in their unions.” The elections of the Lebanese Dental Association and the Order of Pharmacists of Lebanon in 2021 are cases in point.
But change in independent professional unions is not directly reflected in political life, explains Yassin by saying “It is true that unions are part of the course of political change, but they alone cannot impose the desired change and a new social contract. This is a long process that requires the organization of opposition forces and change in political parties that develop a clear and well-defined political and economic project having the potential to change the balance of power and impose the deisred change.”
Regarding the indicators of change, Yassin suggests that “change began with the election of a number of MPs from the ranks of the forces of change and the Uprising, including former president of the Beirut Bar Association, Melhem Khalaf.” Unions are regaining their political role and their effectiveness has increased due to their independence from political power. By way of example only, “we formed an independent professional union from the Order of Engineers and Architects, the Bar Association, the Order of Pharmacists of Lebanon, the Lebanese Dental Association and other independent professional unions, and we started the confrontation with banks in order to safeguard the rights of depositors and unions.”
Have signs of change come?
The Executive Director of the Arab NGO Network for Development (ANND), Ziad Abdel Samad, outlines the pattern of political life followed in Lebanon for decades and hindering the role of unions in regaining their true role in political life and in the redistribution of power. In his opinion, the authorities in Lebanon enjoy “a strong immunity, the major characteristic of which is that it is outside State institutions.” For instance, real decision-making and power are exercised outside Parliament and the Council of Ministers, in that decisions are made in accordance with consensus outside State institutions while they are reflected within them. Even the judiciary is not an independent authority, but it is rather subject to pressures from the political authorities. Consequently, the influence exerted on the authorities by independent professional unions is minimal, according to Abdel Samad.
But what about the ability of unions to change this political reality? Abdel Samad sees that the role of influential social and societal forces, such as the independent professional unions, and their ability to influence public life is “very limited”, although they are capable of influencing some non-fundamental issues. He uses the example of the Bar Association experience, when its former president and current MP, Melhem Khalaf, worked on two cases. The first one had to do with depositors’ savings trapped in Lebanese banks, but the pressure he exerted was very limited, because the solution should be looked for somewhere else, and to date no agreement has been reached on the extent of the banking sector’s losses and who will suffer them. As for the other case that Mr. Khalaf pursued, it had to do with the Beirut Port explosion, and despite initiating direct prosecution in the name of the Bar Association, he was unable to influence the course of the investigation, because the authorities’ disruptive capacity is much greater.
Something similar happened to the Order of Engineers and Architects when it dealt with the case of the Order’s funds trapped in banks, which is estimated at half a billion dollars, part of which in Lebansee liras and part in dollars, without any amount being released to date, to the detriment of the engineers’ interests, at a time the funds are made up of their contributions. The same is true for other cases such as solid waste, public property, quarries, and others.
It is very important for the unions to hihglight these issues, according to Abdel Samad, and to side with citizens and their rights rather than protecting the authorities, their positions and corruption. We conclude here that “it is an all-out battle waged to influence the authorities since before October 17 and still manifested in important milestones.” Abdel Samad considers that the elections of the Order of Engineers and Architects and the Bar Association, as well as parliamentary elections, are “all milestones in this battle, and it should be noted in this regard that the unions’ battle is taking an upward turn, with luck being on the side of the forces of change.”
Regarding the election of the former president of the Beirut Bar Association Melhem Khalaf to parliament, is this considered a step made by the unions in the context of the redistribution of power? “It is very important to enter parliament, and it is true that despite the election of Mr. Khalaf and the other MPs from the forces of change, their influence is still limited, but their presence in parliament is more significant than their complete absence from it,” Abdel Samad said. Their entry into parliament will pave the way for upcoming battles in the municipal elections and other milestones. The battle evolves from independent professional unions, to labor unions, to an emerging political movement and existing parliamentary blocs. But right now, “independent unions are in the early stages of regaining their role in power redistribution and the restoration of rights,” Abdel Samad said. He added saying that it is a tough battle fought in parallel with political impasse, disruption of institutions, and moral and financial pressure on citizens. For him, “The battle is fierce and it is an open conflict.”
In this connection we need to know if the current crisis faced after October 17 presents an opportunity for independent unions to regain their role and redistribute power. “Yes,” Abdel Samad answers, although before October 17 the “You Stink” movement began in 2015, and the deepening crises in Lebanon doubtless represent an opportunity for unions, as the movements, conditions and practices that led to the October 17 Uprising were on an upward trajectory. As a result, the conflict took a different turn that eventually led to the election of members of independent professional unions and their assumption of a decisive role in challenging the authorities, in addition to the election of advocates of change to parliament and the downfall of authority figures.
Indeed, the battle for political change is being fought from different positions and by various groups, with the independent professional unions forming an integral part of it in their capacity as representatives of the social elite, in addition to the fact that most of their members belong to the middle class that was eliminated by the crisis, while they are in the first line of defense for rights. Thus, Abdel Samad believes that the organization of unions has a much greater influence, hence the importance of focusing on them in the redistribution of power.
The course of political change followed by the unions has faded away with the waning of the October 17 Uprising
For his part, international trade union expert, Dr. Ghassan Salibi, holds a view that is different from the ones held by Abdel Samad and Yassin, as he considered that “the trend towards change in the independent professional unions seems to be discontinued, since it started with the outbreak of the October 17 Uprising, and was halted with its fading away.” The course followed by the independent professional unions after October 17, seems not to be entrenched, as evidenced by the victory of the parties in power in the elections of the Lebanese Order of Physicians held in May 2022.
Therefore, isn’t Khalaf’s entry into parliament the fruit of the Bar association struggle for the redistribution of power? According to Salibi, “It is possible. It cannot be asserted that this struggle alone is credited with Khalaf’s election to parliament as many factors contributed to this, but his union profile certainly contributed to this victory.” His entry into parliament as the only union member out of 128 MPs, is a very poor indicator and cannot be built upon as a pivotal role assumed by unions in the redistribution of power.
But what has prevented unions from redistributing power, especially after the October 17 Uprising? Salibi explains that independent professional unions include all social strata, unlike labor unions which include wage earners and workers. Consequently, the diverse strata in independent professional unions restrict the role of these institutions, even at the level of socio-economic proposals. Specific groups within these unions always have a greater influence on orientations. Therefore, it is difficult for these unions in particular to play a role in the redistribution of power, as they suffer from internal divisions. In Western countries, where political divisions are sharp, unions are not characterized by internal divisions since the focus is on professional interests rather than on socio-economic policies. However, in Lebanon, in the event of a political problem, independent professional unions cannot take a unified stand due to the diverse political and social background of their members.
However, despite the foregoing, Salibi explains that “it cannot be said that union struggle in Lebanon, following the professional union elections, the most recent of which was the elections of the Lebanese Order of Physicians, cannot regain its role, although the established indicators of real change in this framework are still lacking.” After October 17, for instance, the Lebanese Professionals Association was established, “but it failed to create a nucleus for an independent union; yet, every democratic dynamic, regardless of its results, is beneficial to political change,” according to Salibi.
Finally, from a historical perspective not restricted to Lebanon, unions that make change and influence the redistribution of power are trade unions because they are class-based and come from a distinct socio-economic background. Trade unions in Lebanon were completely on the sidelines of the October 17 Uprising and did not participate in it, as political parties had laid their hands on them since the 1990s. During the civil war, trade union movements staged demonstrations while workers were united in the face of militias. If they had maintained this momentum, they would have brought about a qualitative transformation in the redistribution of power in Lebanon.